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ance," not a word to glorify the
triumphant arms of Germany.

But my father was not neutral because he was unmoved. His sympathies
were always strongly with the French people, but these very sympathies
made him bitterly antagonistic to the French Emperor. In the middle
of August he replied to a correspondent: "You do not understand my
position. I regard Napoleon as one of the greatest amongst modern
scoundrels, and Bismarck as a crafty diplomatist striving to make a
great German Empire under Prussia. I love Bismarck so little that when
the Reform League wrote him an address, I refused to sign it. I hope
to see a German republic, and I believe I shall, but this war will
postpone it. I deeply regret the evoking the 'nationality' madness in
France, for I fear that many of our brave Republican friends will be
killed in striving to save, as they think, the flag of France from
disgrace."

On the 4th of September was declared the third French Republic. The
_National Reformer_ was quick to give it welcome, but my father himself
was away in the provinces just then, lecturing and debating with scarce
a day's respite, and so overwrought with much speaking in heated rooms
and much travelling in wet and changeable weather, that his health
seemed on the point of breaking down. At Leigh he had lectured on
two successive nights in a wooden theatre, admirably adapted to give
free admittance to every gust of the damp night wind. On the morning
(Sunday) following these lectures he had left at six o'clock to go to
Darwen. By that time his voice was reduced to a hoarse whisper, and the
Darwen friend who met him looked grave when he saw how ill he seemed,
especially when my father announced his intention of going to bed until
the lecture hour. Three lectures he gave that day--morning, afternoon,
and evening--with an hour's discussion after the morning lecture, but
his appearance made such an impression upon his Lancashire friends that
they wrote him an address of sympathy.

Ill-health, overwork, financial worries, and domestic sorrows made a
heavy burden to carry; still, notwithstanding all this, he made the
opportunity to write his sympathy with Republican France.

"First," he said, "that there may be no mistake, I throw in my lot
with France--Republican France. While Louis Napoleon reigned at the
Tuileries the memories of December were too bloody, nineteen-year-old
hatreds too bitter, to let me even be just to any cause he led.
A perjured liar, a cold-blooded murderer, a heartless coward, a
paltry trickster, a dishonourable cheat, all this was Louis Napoleon
Bonaparte. I was, therefore, well inclined to Germany from my utter
hatred of the imperial demoralisation of France. But now, when
events are moving so rapidly that perhaps ere this sees the light
all may be changed, it is worth while to ask, Was Prussia guiltless
in the war? and I answer, No! Bismarck and Prussian armies are
evidence on this side. Bismarck using craft of a higher order than
Napoleonic scoundrelism, and moved by a broader ambition than the
mere embezzlement of national funds or personal aggrandisement, has
outwitted Napoleon; but the English people, while repudiating with
fullest indignation the wicked and most monstrous declaration of war,
cannot forget that by-divine-right-ruling and for-victory-God-thanking
William is as much a detester of popular rights as was Napoleon
himself.... At this moment the world's most fearful curse is in its
armies, and our cry is Peace."

It was only just, he said, that the French Republic should pay some
penalty for the previous folly of the nation, and if Prussia exacted
ever so heavy a war indemnity in money, it should be cheerfully paid.
But he spoke most strenuously against the surrender of Alsace and
Lorraine. To Germany he appealed for peace "while yet the glory is
yours--if indeed it be glory to kill and maim, scorch and scathe, and
this at the cost of as many killed and wounded, scorched and scathed,
on your own side." Last of all he appealed to the peoples of England,
France, and Germany to unite for peace; if they were earnest, he wrote,
they must be obeyed, and their "glorious desire must be conceded."

This article was in print on the 14th September; and as he was at
breakfast at his Turner Street lodgings one morning, three days later,
my father received a somewhat startling visit from a French lady, at
that time well known in French and English political circles. Madame
la Vicomtesse de Brimont Brassac was a lady of great beauty and great
persuasive powers, although in her errand that September morning she
had no occasion for the use of either one or the other. She came to
my father with the idea of persuading him to undertake the attempt
to create a feeling in favour of France amongst the English masses;
this was a work after his own heart, and one indeed to which he had
already set his hand in the article to which I have just referred. This
interview had for its immediate result a succession of public meetings,
held both in London and the provinces, in favour of France and Peace.
The first, held at the Hall of Science on Monday the 19th, was, despite
the short notice, attended by upwards of 1400 persons. Through Madame
de Brimont my father learned that Lord Granville was moving against the
French Republic, and was in favour of replacing the Emperor in Paris.
Friends everywhere were urged to counteract Lord Granville's efforts
by striving to make a living public opinion in favour of France and
Peace. At this first demonstration two addresses were agreed to: one to
Mr Gladstone, praying him to use his high office "actively in favour
of peace," for, it was urged, "it will be to England's lasting shame
if every possible effort be not made to prevent further carnage;" the
second was sent to the French Government of National Defence and to the
French people, offering congratulations on the position taken by Jules
Favre, and tendering deep and heartfelt sympathy to the nation in its
sorrow.

In co-operation with Dr Congreve, Prof. Beesly, and other prominent
Positivists, Mr Bradlaugh organised a series of meetings in London
and the provinces. One at St James's Hall on the 24th was a great
success. The hall was densely crowded by an enthusiastic meeting,
which was addressed by Dr Congreve, Prof. Beesly, Sir Henry Hoare,
M.P., Mr George Odger, Colonel Dickson, and others. The addresses to
Mr Gladstone and to the French Nation were voted unanimously, and a
resolution moved by Prof. Beesly, calling upon the English Government
to give an immediate and frank recognition of the French Republic, met
with the utmost enthusiasm. The two addresses were sent for signature
to thirty of the largest towns in England and Scotland, and in two days
forty thousand signatures were obtained.

Just before the commencement of the proceedings at St James's Hall an
incident occurred that admitted of an extremely simple explanation,
but which the Tory press endeavoured to turn to the discredit of the

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