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employment.

From that day until my father's death his brother never ceased to try
and annoy him--always, of course, under the cloak of religion and
love. He would send him religious books--the last came at the New
Year of 1891. "This is from my beautiful brother," said my father, as
he dropped it into the wastepaper basket. He sometimes lectured in the
same town, on the same date as my father, and the hall engaged for his
lectures would perhaps be quite close to the one in which Mr Bradlaugh
was speaking. He would be announced, maybe, merely as "Mr Bradlaugh,"
or even as "the brother of Charles Bradlaugh," or "the brother of the
Member for Northampton," and would very likely entreat his audience
to unite with him in prayer for his "brother Charles Bradlaugh." He
had named his son "Charles," and in a letter written to his brother in
1880, he had recourse to the following unmanly taunt: "I want not to
trade upon your name; it has never helped me, it dies with yourself,
and is to be perpetuated by the son of one whom you at present hate."
My father's own son, who also bore his name and of whom he had been so
proud, had then been dead ten years.

Mr W. R. Bradlaugh did not confine himself to these annoyances--which,
after all, were petty, and even if they irritated at the time, could
be easily endured--but he has been responsible for various false and
injurious statements concerning my father's personal character. Some of
these were circulated during his lifetime, but he remained silent with
every provocation to speak. Even in a "private and confidential" letter
to the editor of a friendly paper which had carelessly quoted some
extremely malicious falsehoods alleged to have been uttered by Mr W. R.
Bradlaugh, my father only said that, "being under great obligation" to
him, his brother tried to injure him.

This is the second time in this book that I have been compelled to
reveal a story of sorrow and disgrace that I would have given much
to have kept hidden, but justice to my father demands that the truth
should be known. If the telling it should bring the smallest injury to
a man who, twenty years ago, erred and expiated his error according to
the laws of our country, it will give me the deepest pain and regret.
Counting surely on my father's silence, however, he chose to pursue a
course of conduct which has obliged me to tell the truth concerning
their estrangement. Out of regard for his brother, my father might
knowingly and deliberately suffer himself to be misunderstood, and
his silence to be unfavourably construed, but it is not for me, his
faithful daughter and biographer, to allow the misunderstanding to
continue.

CHAPTER XXXV.

REPUBLICANISM AND SPAIN.

As I have said elsewhere, during the early seventies the Republican
movement in England was full of life and activity. There was quite a
ferment of political energy tending towards Republicanism, and this
seemed to be most active in 1873, after the temporary check felt in the
reaction of loyalty evoked by the Prince of Wales' illness. In February
1871, the first of a series of Republican Clubs was inaugurated in
Birmingham by Mr C. C. Cattell, and this was followed by the formation
of others in every direction. By the spring of 1873 there were
clubs in Aberdeen and Plymouth, in Norwich and Cardiff; and between
these extremes were to be found more than fifty others, Yorkshire,
Lancashire, and Northumberland having perhaps the largest number. These
Clubs held their periodic meetings, and the addresses delivered were
often thought of sufficient importance to be reported in the local
press. It may well be asked, What has become of all this Republican
fervour? It is difficult to say. Probably much of the energy and
activity has been diverted into other channels, but, however that may
be, we see little sign of it now: in 1894 England is to all appearance
utterly dead to the aspiration of an ideal Republic. But in the early
part of 1873 the Republican movement was believed to be a growing
one, and it was deemed advisable to call a Conference with a view of
establishing a National Republican Organisation, which should unite
all the heretofore scattered clubs. A circular was sent out by the
Provisional Committee convening the meeting, signed by Mr George Odger
and eleven others, of whom Mr Bradlaugh was one. Seeing my father's
name amongst the signatures, an endeavour was made to injure the cause
of Republicanism by denouncing the conveners as "Atheists," although,
as a matter of fact, the majority were Christians. The conference was
fixed for the 11th and 12th of May, and the use of the Town Hall,
Birmingham, was granted for the meetings.

Shortly before this date the Republic had been declared in Spain,
and some of the English Clubs at once sent their congratulations
to Senor Castelar. In addition to these, it was decided to send a
resolution from the Birmingham Conference, expressing sympathy with
Spain in her struggle to establish a Republican Government, abhorrence
at the atrocities committed by the Carlists, in the interests of a
Monarchical Government, and indignation at the non-recognition of the
Spanish Government by the British Government. A resolution was also
put to the great public meeting, held in the Town Hall on the Monday
evening. This message of sympathy, which was passed with the utmost
unanimity, in a meeting of fully 4500 persons, was, together with the
Conference resolution, entrusted to Mr Bradlaugh to carry to Senor
Emilio Castelar. The proceedings at Birmingham caused considerable
stir; the local papers gave long reports, and notices appeared in
different journals throughout the provinces, and even in Conservative
London itself. The impression created by this quiet and business-like
demonstration may be gathered from a leader which appeared in the
_Examiner_ for May 17, of which the following is a short extract:--

 "The Conference of Republicans held at Birmingham on Sunday and
 Monday last far exceeded in numbers, importance, as well as in the
 intelligence displayed by its members, anything of a similar name
 or nature that has been held since the present movement was first
 originated. There were fifty-four accredited delegates present,
 representing nearly as many of our principal towns, and they came from
 every point of the compass--from Norwich, from Bath, from Hastings,
 Paisley, and Aberdeen. The proceedings were marked by singular
 unanimity, and general abstinence from all hasty and ill-advised
 language. This, the least expected feature of the Conference, is
 doubtless deeply regretted by its opponents. To openly avow Republican
 proclivities is, in the minds of a majority of the 'respectable'
 classes, almost synonymous with calling yourself an advocate of
 rick-burning, or any other mad devilry; the Conference will go far
 towards removing this ridiculous impression, and re-assuring the
 timorous. But it must be admitted that a party that can afford to
 speak in the moderate but de

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