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t is small wonder if he felt
somewhat despondent and disheartened, as he thought of the liabilities
contracted on the other side of the Atlantic, and the lost election at
home.

[Footnote 186: In a statement made by Alderman P. P. Perry late in 1876
on the subject of Mr Bradlaugh's candidature, he said that the late
Mr Charles Gilpin, immediately after his election in 1874, "earnestly
recommended us to come to some arrangement with Mr Bradlaugh."]

He arranged to leave again for the United States about the third week
in September 1874. In many cases where damages had been claimed for
his broken engagements of the spring, he had obtained indulgence by
promising to fulfil them in the autumn, and lectures were arranged for
him for dates extending from October to Christmas. All arrangements for
his lecturing tour were complete, when the death of Mr Charles Gilpin
in the first week of September put him in a terrible dilemma. His
engagements in the States must be kept, Northampton must be fought.

Directly after Mr Gilpin's funeral Mr Bradlaugh issued his appeal for
renewed support, and his address was extensively circulated, although
indeed he might well have felt that the Northampton people must be
getting tolerably familiar with the reforms he desired to advocate,
if permitted to take his place as their representative in Parliament.
A meeting was held in the Town Hall, and a most enthusiastic audience
crowded every corner. For some days it was not known when the new
writ would be issued, whether immediately--in which case my father
might be able to stay for the contest, or in a few weeks--when he
ought to be on the other side of the Atlantic fulfilling those broken
engagements, or after the reassembling of Parliament in the February
of the following year, by which time he could arrange to return. As
the days went on he became more and more perplexed as to what was the
right course to pursue, but when, after a delay of a week or so, it was
announced that the writ would be issued at once, he decided to stay to
fight the battle himself, and again throw himself on the indulgence
of his American friends, although this would necessarily involve a
further pecuniary loss, great or moderate, according to the number of
engagements broken. Mr C. G. Merewether once more contested the borough
in the Conservative interest, and after much searching the Moderate
Liberals finally selected Mr William Fowler as their candidate. This
election was the most bitter my father had yet fought. In addition to
the usual gross exaggerations concerning his political and religious
opinions (which this time included the perennial "watch story"), the
most cowardly statements were made concerning his private life by Mr
Fowler and his adherents. Mr Bradlaugh sought to meet Mr Fowler face to
face; he sought admission to his meetings but was refused, orders being
given to use force if necessary; he went to the house where Mr Fowler
was staying and sought a private interview, but the servant brought a
message that Mr Fowler was "too busy to see Mr Bradlaugh." Five times
at least Mr Bradlaugh tried to meet this man publicly and privately,
but without avail; then, said Mr Bradlaugh, "I shall ask the electors
of Northampton whether they will record their votes for a liar and a
coward." At this there was a terrible outcry, and he was condemned as
"foul-mouthed" for using such "hideous adjectives and substantives,"
such "vulgar virulence." The London and provincial press were equally
severe on him. Mr Bradlaugh, in a speech to the electors during the
contest, thus defended himself: "It had been said that his language
had been strong. What else but strong language could be expected from
a man who found himself slandered behind his back, and who found that
not only was he himself libelled, but that foul language was cast upon
those he was bound by every tie of honour and manhood to protect? To
Mr Fowler he owed it that that afternoon a formal inquiry had been
made to him whether he was married to his wife; to Mr Fowler he owed
it that that afternoon he received a note asking if it were true that
his mother were now living on parish relief. They would not ask him to
deny these things, even to deny them would degrade him; but he asked
them what weapon a man could use against a foe who trampled on his
dead mother's grave, and who struck at women, who at least ought to be
safe from attack?"[187] Later on, in a letter from America, he wrote
in reference to this: "In consequence of Mr Fowler's language as to
my social morality, and my theories on marriage, I received anonymous
letters inquiring if I had ever been married; my committee-men were
actually formally asked if my daughters were illegitimate; and it was
charged against me that my mother was now living in receipt of parish
relief. Protected by Mr Fowler's words--which he dared not utter to
my face--the oft-refuted 'watch story' was circulated with a dozen
variations. And yet men wonder that I called the man 'liar and coward'
who did this behind my back, and who refused me the opportunity of
either public or private explanation." The nomination took place on the
2nd of October, and to Mr Joseph Gurney's name as proposer was added
that of Mr Thomas Adams, one of the truest and most loyal of men, and
an honour to the town of Northampton, of which he was several times
Mayor. His devotion and friendship for Mr Bradlaugh was always the
same--steady, constant, and reliable--and was broken only by his death.
This, there is too much reason to believe, was hastened by overtaxing
himself on my father's behalf whilst suffering from a severe attack of
influenza.

[Footnote 187: See Mrs Besant's account in _National Reformer_, October
11th, 1874.]

The extraordinary bitterness of feeling in the town awakened by the
personalities indulged in on the Whig side and Mr Bradlaugh's strongly
expressed but quite natural resentment, had also its reaction of
intense devotion to my father's personality, and there were most
pathetic evidences of this. When the polling-day came one man ill in
bed insisted upon being lifted out and carried to the polling-booth,
declaring he would go to vote for Mr Bradlaugh even if he died on the
way; another ardent supporter who had broken his leg in two places
a week or two before, in spite of my father's expressed wish to the
contrary, had himself conveyed to the polling-place in order that he
might record his vote. Amongst the working women were many of his most
enthusiastic adherents, and one poor woman, very ill indeed, dragged
herself to the window on the polling day, and, watching for my father,
opened it as he passed to give him greeting and a cheer. Enthusiasm
there was in plenty, but unhappily not voting power enough to carry
him into Parliament, although indeed that was increasing rapidly, for
when the poll was declared on the night of Tuesday the 6th, it stood
thus:--

Merewether 2171
Fowler 1836
Bradlaugh 1766

In eight months therefore he had

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