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and merchandising for some years, then read law and at the age of
twenty-four was admitted to the bar where his splendid powers had full
scope. In 1765 he was elected to the State Legislature, or House of
Burgesses, as it was then called.

In the words of Thomas Jefferson, "Mr. Henry certainly gave the first
impulse to the ball of the Revolution." During the war, he served at
first in the field, and later in the Legislature, and as governor,
being elected three times. He retired from public life in 1791 and
devoted himself to his law practice, by which he gained wealth.

[Illustration: ~Old St. John's Church, Richmond, Va.~]

His most famous speech was delivered before the Convention sitting in
council in the old St. John's Church, Richmond, 1775, after the House
of Burgesses had been dissolved by the royal governor. An extract from
this speech, as given in Wirt's "Life of Henry," follows. No
faithfully exact copy of his speeches is preserved, for he never
wrote them out, and his eloquence was so overmastering that no one
could listen and report at the same time. He takes his place among the
great orators of the world.

WORKS.

 Speeches, legal and political, (as they have been gathered from
 traditionary reports).

See his Life by _Wirt_, _Tyler_, and _W. W. Henry_, his grandson.

REMARK ON SLAVERY.

Slavery is detested. We feel its fatal effects. We deplore it with all
the pity of humanity.

NOT BOUND BY STATE LINES, (from the opening speech of the first
Continental Congress, 1774.)

I am not a Virginian. I am an American.

IF THIS BE TREASON, (Speech in House of Burgesses, 1765.)

Cæsar had his Brutus--Charles the First, his Cromwell,--and George the
Third--("Treason!" cried the Speaker)--_may profit by their example_.
If _this_ be treason, make the most of it.

THE FAMOUS REVOLUTION SPEECH, 1775.

(_From Wirt's Life of Henry._)

"Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful
truth--and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us
into beasts. Is this," he asked, "the part of wise men, engaged in a
great and arduous struggle for liberty? Were we disposed to be of the
number of those, who having eyes see not, and having ears hear not,
the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For his
part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, _he_ was willing to
know the whole truth; to know the worst, and provide for it."

"He had," he said, "but one lamp by which his feet were guided; and
that was the lamp of experience. He knew of no way of judging of the
future but by the past. And judging by the past, he wished to know
what there had been in the conduct of the British ministry for the
last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen had been
pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile
with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir;
it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of
our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our
waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work
of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be
reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us
not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation,--the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask
gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not
to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible
motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No,
sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no
other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which
the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we [to]
oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that
for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the
subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which
it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to
entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have
not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to
avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned--we have
remonstrated--we have supplicated--we have prostrated ourselves before
the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the
tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have
been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and
insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been
spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after
these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. _There is no longer any room for hope._ If we wish to
be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges
for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to
abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and
which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious
object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight!--I repeat it,
sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts, is all
that is left us!"

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that we are weak--unable to
cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?
Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are
totally disarmed and when a British guard shall be stationed in every
house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we
acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our
backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies
shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a
proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our
power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty
and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any
force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not
fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the
destinies of nations and who will raise up friends to fight our
battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to
the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no
election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to
retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the
plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come!! I repeat
it, sir, let it come!!!

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry,
peace, peace,--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The
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