Adventure | Science Fiction | Ghost stories | Poetry | Children | History

Book

Open Original Text

y referred, Messrs Ayrton, M.P., Milner
Gibson, M.P., J. S. Mill, M.P., R. Moore, C. D. Collet, E. Truelove,
and A. Holyoake were present, and after some talk it was decided to
raise the question the next evening (June 12) in the House on going
into Supply. Accordingly, on the following evening Mr Ayrton, in a
speech of considerable length, called attention to the state of the law
regarding registration and security in respect of certain publications,
but the Attorney-General politely characterised his statements as
"utterly at variance with the facts." Mr Milner Gibson, in an able
speech, demonstrated some of the absurdities of the press laws. John
Stuart Mill asked for the repeal of the Act, and pending that the
suspension of all prosecutions under it, and Mr Crawford "pleaded in
tones of eloquence and fire for a free and untaxed literature for the
working classes."

It will probably occur to every one, as it occurred to me, that it
would be interesting to know what were the comments of the press upon
this debate, and the abortive trial held upon the following day. I have
looked through several London journals of that particular date, but
have failed to find any comments whatever; the press was apparently in
profound ignorance concerning this important matter, which so vitally
affected its interests.[42] I did, however, find something in my
search; I found that in the _Times_ report of the parliamentary debate
upon the registration of newspapers which I have just alluded to, the
name of the _National Reformer_ was actually omitted from Mr Ayrton's
speech, although the suit against it was deemed of such importance as
to require the services of the Attorney and the Solicitor-General,
and a third counsel. I turned over the pages of the _Times_ and other
papers, vainly seeking for some report of the proceedings in the Court
of Exchequer--but there was not one line: to such pettiness did the
leading journals of the day condescend.

[Footnote 42: A few provincial papers condemned the prosecution, and
later on the _Daily Telegraph_ announced a possible repeal of the Press
Laws, and that in the meantime the Government had resolved not to
press the objectionable clauses.]

In concluding the account of this, the first prosecution of the
_National Reformer_, I cannot pass over without notice the conduct of
the Rev. John Page Hopps, who, with those other gentlemen whose names
have already been mentioned, set up a brilliant exception to the usual
manner in which Mr Bradlaugh was treated by the publicists of the day.
He wrote to my father a hearty letter, saying that while of course
differing from him in certain opinions, he thought the prosecution
"both cowardly and mean," and wishing him "success and support,"
promised him whatever aid he could give.

In the year 1868 Mr Bradlaugh ceased to use that name under which he
had carried on his public career from the time of his return from the
army. The disguise had always been a very transparent one, and the
smallest Christian taunt at his _nom de guerre_ made him cast caution
to the winds and declare his real name. At the time of his first
candidature for a seat in Parliament in 1868 he determined to throw
aside even this semblance of concealment, and all announcements were
henceforward made in the name of "Charles Bradlaugh," although the
repute of "Iconoclast" had been so great that the name clung to him
for many years; in some of the Yorkshire and Lancashire districts it
was proudly remembered until the last. The _National Reformer_ was
issued for the first time on November 15th, 1868, as "edited by Charles
Bradlaugh," instead of "edited by Iconoclast" as heretofore. The winter
of this year was a very stormy one politically; the general election of
December resulted in turning out the Tories and bringing the Liberals
into power under the leadership of Mr Gladstone. Mr Gladstone and
his colleagues had not been in office many weeks before they took up
the press prosecution abandoned by their Tory predecessors, and as
early as January 16th, 1869, Mr Bradlaugh received formal notice that
the Government intended to proceed to trial. Mr Bradlaugh confessed
that this move came quite unexpectedly to him, but he would "fight to
the last," whether against Tory or against Liberal. He regarded it,
however, as "a most infamous shame that a private individual should
have been put to the expense of one abortive trial, and should now have
another costly ordeal to go through on the same account."

On Tuesday morning, February 2nd, the case again came on in the Court
of Exchequer, this time before Mr Baron Bramwell. The Attorney-General,
Sir Robert Collier, the Solicitor-General, Sir J. D. Coleridge, and Mr
Crompton Hutton were there to plead on behalf of the odious Security
Laws, and enforce them against one man and one paper selected out of
"hundreds, nay thousands, of publications liable under the same Acts
of Parliament, which do not comply with their provisions, and which
are yet allowed to go on unprosecuted." Just as had happened in the
previous year, so, curiously enough, on this occasion also only ten
special jurymen answered to their names; but this time a tales was
prayed by the Crown, and the absent jurymen were fined £10 each. Sir
Robert Collier appears to have done his work as little offensively to
my father as possible, and at the end of his opening speech said:--

 "Mr Bradlaugh knows perfectly well that if at any time he had
 intimated his readiness to comply with the provisions of the Act, the
 prosecution would not have been proceeded with. The prosecution is not
 for the purpose of punishing and fining him, but to ensure compliance
 with this Act, as long as it remains the law; and if Mr Bradlaugh sees
 his mistake, as I think he will, and will comply with the Act, no
 penalties will be enforced against him."

For a Republican and Freethought paper to give sureties against
technical sedition and blasphemy, "even if we could find friends insane
enough to enter into recognisances," would be like announcing Hamlet
at the Lyceum with the part of the Prince of Denmark cut out. So in
spite of Sir Robert Collier's grace and politeness, Mr Bradlaugh was
obliged to persist, and the prosecution there upon proceeded with the
examination of witnesses as to the purchase of the paper, etc.

The Crown obtained a verdict; but there were seven points reserved on
my father's behalf for discussion and decision. "At present," wrote
my father, "we are not beaten, and we will persevere to the end; but
we must deplore that the present advisers of the Crown should think
it right to try to ruin an individual with a litigation of such an
enormously costly character."

There were some rather amusing incidents in connection with this trial.
When Baron Bramwell pronounced his verdict for the Crown, Mr Crompton
Hutton rose in his place, and said with a grand air of generosity that
as the first and second counts were the same, "it would not be right
for th

Previous Next