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o loss of life and liberty. But we never lost the memory
 and hope of a national existence. We appealed in vain to the reason
 and sense of justice of the dominant powers. Our mildest remonstrances
 were met with sneers and contempt. Our appeals to arms were always
 unsuccessful. To-day, having no honourable alternative left, we again
 appeal to force as our last resource. We accept the conditions of
 appeal, manfully deeming it better to die in the struggle for freedom
 than to continue an existence of utter serfdom. All men are born with
 equal rights, and in associating together to protect one another and
 share public burdens, justice demands that such associations should
 rest upon a basis which maintains equality instead of destroying
 it. We therefore declare that, unable longer to endure the curse
 of monarchical government, we aim at founding a republic, based on
 universal suffrage, which shall secure to all the intrinsic value of
 their labour. The soil of Ireland, at present in the possession of
 an oligarchy, belongs to us, the Irish people, and to us it must be
 restored. We declare also in favour of absolute liberty of conscience,
 and the complete separation of Church and State. We appeal to the
 Highest Tribunal for evidence of the justice of our cause. History
 bears testimony to the intensity of our sufferings, and we declare, in
 the face of our brethren, that we intend no war against the people of
 England; our war is against the aristocratic locusts, whether English
 or Irish, who have eaten the verdure of our fields--against the
 aristocratic leeches who drain alike our blood and theirs. Republicans
 of the entire world, our cause is your cause. Our enemy is your enemy.
 Let your hearts be with us. As for you, workmen of England, it is not
 only your hearts we wish, but your arms. Remember the starvation and
 degradation brought to your firesides by the oppression of labour.
 Remember the past, look well to the future, and avenge yourselves
 by giving liberty to your children in the coming struggle for human
 freedom. _Herewith we proclaim the Irish Republic_."

[Illustration - not available for this book]

"THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT."

This proclamation was printed by Colonel Kelly,[106] who obtained
possession of some printing works at Islington, and in one night set
up this famous manifesto. Mr J. M. Davidson says that the document
was drawn by Mr Bradlaugh's hand.[107] Mr Adolphe S. Headingley[108]
says that "the informers Massey and Corydon in their evidence insist
that Bradlaugh himself drew up the proclamation." In spite of a very
considerable search I have not yet been able to find the words used by
Massey or Corydon; but on this point, at least, I am able to quote the
highest authority--my father himself. I was talking to him in his study
one day, and in the course of our conversation he pulled down a thick
green volume--an Irish history--and opening it, put his finger upon
this proclamation. "They say I wrote that," he said with a smile. "And
did you?" I asked. He then told me that the draft of the proclamation,
as it left his study after being approved, _was_ in his handwriting;
but that when he saw it in print he found that it had been altered
after leaving his hands. Unfortunately, I did not go over it with him
to ask where it had been altered; but words written by him in January
1868 throw a little light on the matter. He then said:

[Footnote 106: Headingley, p. 105.]

[Footnote 107: _Weekly Dispatch_, November 16, 1879.]

[Footnote 108: Headingley, p. 104.]

"I am against the present establishment of a republic in Ireland,
because, although I regard republicanism as the best form of government
possible, I nevertheless think that the people of England and of
Ireland are yet too much wanting in true dignity and independence,
and too ignorant of their political rights and duties, to at present
make good republicans. We are growing gradually towards the point of
republican government; but it is not, I think, the question of to-day.
A forcible separation of Ireland from England would not unnaturally
be resisted by the latter to her last drop of blood and treasure;
and I do not believe that the Irish party are either strong enough
or sufficiently united to give even a colour of probability to the
supposition of a successful revolution."[C]

Again, "I do not believe in an enduring revolution to be effected by
revolvers;... I do not believe it a lasting republic to be formed by
pike aid."[109]

[Footnote 109: Pamphlet on the Irish Question.]

Hence from Mr Bradlaugh's own words, written in January 1868, it will
be seen that he could not possibly have joined in the proclamation of a
force-established republic in March 1867.

Throughout the year (1867) the country was in a very disturbed state.
The Fenians were numerous, but inefficiently organised; they made
isolated attacks on police barracks in Ireland, and attempted to
seize Chester Castle, which contained a considerable store of arms.
In September Kelly and Deasy were arrested at Manchester, and on the
18th of that month they were rescued while being moved with a number
of other prisoners in the police van from the police court to the city
jail. This rescue was destined to cost a number of lives, commencing
with that of poor Sergeant Brett, whose death was followed, on the 23rd
of November, by the execution of the three patriots, Allen, Larkin, and
O'Brien. For several months from the time of the Manchester rescue our
house was watched, back and front, night and day, and two policemen in
uniform were stationed at Park Railway Station to scrutinise all the
passengers who alighted there. I hardly know in what light my father
regarded this surveillance, but I do not think he can have taken it
very much to heart; we children looked upon it sometimes as a great
distinction and sometimes as a capital joke, and we must to some
extent have reflected the mood of our elders--not that I mean that Mr
Bradlaugh was silly enough to regard this unremitting attention on the
part of the police as a "distinction," but that we could not so have
felt it had he been even a little troubled by it.

Just before the trial of the Manchester Martyrs, Mr Bradlaugh wrote a
short but most eloquent plea for Ireland. He concluded it by urgently
entreating:

"Before it be too late, before more blood shall stain the pages of our
present history, before we exasperate and arouse bitter animosities,
let us try and do justice to our sister land. Abolish once and for
all the land laws, which in their iniquitous operation have ruined
her peasantry. Sweep away the leech-like Church which has sucked
her vitality, and has given her back no word even of comfort in her
degradation. Turn her barracks into flax mills, encourage a spirit of
independence in her citizens, restore to her people the protection
of the law so that they may speak without fear of arrest, and beg
them to plainly and boldly state their grievances. Let a Com

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